Res Gestae
Divi Augusti, Augustus (19-21)
Trans.
Brunt, P. A., Moore, J. M., 1981
“19 I built the Senate House, and the Calcidicum, adjacent to it,
the temple of Apollo on the Palatine with its porticoes, the temple of the
divine Julius, the Lupercal, the portico at the Flaminian circus, which I permitted
to bear the name of the portico of Octavius after the man who erected the
previous portico on the same site, a pulvinar at the Circus Maximus, the
temples on the Capitol of Jupiter Feretrius and Jupiter the Thunderer, the
temple of Quirinus, the temples of Minerva and Queen Juno and Jupiter Libertas
on the Aventine, the temple of Lares at the top of the Sacred Way, the temple
of the Di Penates in the Velia, the temple of Youth, and the temple of the
Great Mother on the Palatine.
20 I restored the Capitol and the theatre of Pompey,
both works at great expense without inscribing my own name on either. I
restored the channels of the aqueducts, which in several places were falling
into disrepair through age, and I brought water from a new spring into the
aqueduct called Marcia, doubling the supply. I completed the Forum Julium and
the basilica between the temples of Castor and Saturn, works begun and almost
finished by my father, and when that same basilica was destroyed by fire, I
began to rebuild it on an enlarged site, to be dedicated in the name of my
sons, and in case I do not complete it in my lifetime, I have given orders that
it should be completed by my heirs. In my sixth consulship I restored
eighty-two temples of the gods in the city on the authority of the senate,
neglecting none that required restoration at the time. In my seventh consulship
I restored the Via Flaminia from the city as far as Rimini, together with all
bridges except the Mulvian and the Minucian.
21 I built the temple of Mars the Avenger and the Forum Augustum
on private ground from the proceeds of booty. I built the theatre adjacent to
the temple of Apollo on ground in large part bought from private owners, and
provided that it should be called after Marcus Marcellus, my son-in-law. From
the proceeds of booty I dedicated gifts in the Capitol and in the temples of
the divine Julius, of Apollo, of Vesta and of Mars the Avenger; this cost me
about 100,000,000 sesterces.”
The Res Gestae Divi Augusti was commissioned
by Emperor Augustus, supposedly years before his death in AD 14. It is
described as “perhaps the most famous inscription left to us by Antiquity”.[1]
The inscription was outside Augustus’ mausoleum in Rome. As a primary source
that was undoubtedly drafted and rewritten many times prior to Augustus’ death
due to the high profile it would have in maintaining his legacy, it stretches
many truths and conceals some facts of Augustus’ reign. However what is does
provide is an insight into the need for legacy to survive, and the importance
placed by Augustus on being remembered. It highlights what many other Emperors
and rulers of the Roman Empire (and of countries and empires throughout
history) have done: attempted to preserve their achievements in a permanent,
lasting way.
The above
extract of the Res Gestae depicts
Augustus’ impact on several major public, private, religious and political
buildings, including the Temple of Mars Ultor and the theatre of Pompey. Of
course, it is recorded by other historians that Augustus did have these
buildings and monuments restored.[2]
However what the Res Gestae does is
allow the audience to realise how ‘respectful’ Augustus was to the original
builder. On the other hand, this ‘respect’ for the original commissioner could
be interpreted as Augustus actually trying to overule the original builder.
Therefore what the source says and Augustus’ intentions of the events depicted
by the source could be very different things. The source is however invaluable
in giving the audience an insight into how Augustus wanted to be viewed after
his death. When analysing this source it is important to consider what exactly
one is looking to discover about Augustus and his achievements. This is true of
other inscriptions and recordings made by rulers: for example the Relief of
Darius at Behistun, which depicts how the Persian ruler suppressed revolts
since 520BCE. This relief is engraved onto a rock cliff face almost too high
for the naked eye to see from the ground, but again reflects a ruler’s need to
become a permanent part of history. Both Darius and Augustus portray similar
kinds of anxiety to manage their messages and record their achievements,
otherwise these events could be forgotten – leading ultimately to the Emperors’
fear of being forgotten.
The most
obvious issue with the Res Gestae Divi
Augusti for an insight of the rule of Augustus is its undoubted bias
towards the Emperor: the title itself being a clear example of this, as it
translates to “The Deeds of the Divine Augustus.” As his final words, they were
bound to emit a sense of lasting legacy with limited mention of any possible
negative impacts of his reign. The audience of the Res Gestae Divi Augusti is not widely regarded as the people of the
time it was commissioned, but more likely meant for future generations: this is
mirrored by the use of marble for the inscription, as it reflects a more
permanent reminder of Augustus’ rule. Therefore, for the purpose of maintaining
his desire to be remembered as a great ruler who brought Rome prosperity, the
source becomes biased further. Ways in which Augustus used propaganda were not
limited to his inscription: in fact he used coins that would be seen daily by
the people of Rome and other areas of the Empire, acting as a constant reminder
of Augustus and his great achievements.[3]
The fact that sums of money are consistently mentioned throughout the
inscription supports this, coupled with the reiteration that all of his work
was paid for with his own funds, suggests that it was a matter of pride to
declare how much money had been spent, for instance, on dedicating gifts to
Julius of Apollo, Vesta and Mars. The content of this source reflects not an
Emperor attempting to educate the world on the facts of his rule, but instead
to ensure his place in history was an optimistic one.[4]
The motives of the inscription, therefore, hinder the reliability and
accountability of the source.
There is not
simply one copy of the Res Gestae Divi
Augusti. One copy was placed in Rome
outside Augustus’ mausoleum, and another in Ancyra. This distribution gave the
message a much wider audience, meaning a further promotion of Augustus. By
spreading his ‘autobiography’ throughout the world, Augustus displays both the
extent of Roman dominance and his own personal prowess as ruler. The Res Gestae was also translated into
Greek for the copy in Ancyra: this portrays Augustus attempting to appeal to
all peoples, not just Latin-readers, therefore further fuelling the
interpretation that it was Augustus’ goal to spread his legacy as far
throughout the world as he could. This is similar, again, to the technique used
by Darius in his relief at Behistun, which is a tri-lingual inscription of
Babylonian, Elamite and Old Persian. However, as with any translated piece, the
translations themselves are subject to interpretation.[5]
Even for the analysis of this source in this essay, the original has been
translated from the original Latin into English. The translator themselves
would have changed some wording and phrasing, limiting the Greek source. As
discussed by William Davis, only extracts of the inscription have survived the
test of time[6],
and therefore those extracts that have been recovered are in fact the remains
of an interpretation of the Res Gestae
Divi Augusti.
In conclusion,
the Res Gestae Divi Augusti is an
example of an emperor managing how the population at the time and in future
generations perceives them, as well as spreading their messages throughout the
empire. The purpose of the inscription is not for an accurate, un-biased
account of the achievements of Augustus: the intention was to preserve the
memory of the emperor and act as a reminder of his greatness. The source is a
clear indicator of the way in which it was integral for emperors to feel as if
they have presented themselves as amicable and pious.
[1]
Davis, W. S., Readings in Ancient
History: Illustrative Extracts from the Sources, 2 Vols. (Boston: Allyn and
Bacon, 1912-13), Vol. II: Rome and the West, pp. 166
[2]
Suetonius, Life of Augustus, 28
[3]
Braund, D. C., Augustus to Nero, A Source
Book on Roman History, 31BC to AD68, Taylor and Francis, pp.10
[4]
Eck, W., The Age of Augustus, John Wiley & Sons (2002), pp.1-5
[5]
Morley, N., Writing Ancient History,
Cornell University Press, (1999), pp.57
[6]
Davis, W. S., Readings in Ancient History: Illustrative Extracts from the
Sources, 2 Vols. (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1912-13), Vol. II: Rome and the
West, pp.166
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